To say the least, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s
self-description of being the adopted son of Varanasi and the Gandhi siblings’
retort that neither Uttar Pradesh nor any of its cities or towns need adoptive
children because it has enough sons of its own, is bizarre and inappropriate as
part of any political discourse. Space for such duologue is best limited to
melodramatic scenes in popular cinema.
Under law, there is no bar on a citizen of India contesting
from anywhere in the country, for either of the two Houses of Parliament or
state legislatures. There are instances galore of political leaders entering
Parliament from States where they were neither born, nor where they set up
home.
Priyanka Gandhi’s paternal grandparents represented
constituencies that were not their own. The forgotten Gandhi, Feroze, made Rae
Barelli his political base and after taking over the constituency after his
death, Indira Gandhi began her political comeback in a by-election from
Chikmagalur in 1978.
More than two decades later in 1999, Priyanka’s mother,
Sonia Gandhi, opted to contest from Bellary. In any case, by questioning Modi’s
right to establish linkage with Varanasi, Priyanka is bringing her mother’s
right to claim herself as Indian into question.
Not just the Congress party, but even in the Bharatiya
Janata Party, there are several cases of leaders seeking election from
constituencies with which they have no or little personal association. Atal
Bihari Vajpayee was born in Gwalior, yet entered the political fray in a bypoll
from Balrampur in UP in the 1950s. Thereafter, he contested – and represented –
diverse cities like Gwalior, Vidisha and Lucknow besides being a member of
Rajya Sabha. Lal Krishna Advani had represented both New Delhi and Gandhinagar.
Sushma Swaraj has never had a proper political home shifting states from one
election to another before finding a political base of some sorts in Vidisha.
One can write countless pages providing instances of political rolling stones
who gathered no moss as they shifted from constituency to constituency. George
Fernandes for instance, made a mark in Indian politics as a Bombay based trade
unionist, but the highlight of his parliamentary career was as a representative
from Bihar.
Not just Lok Sabha, but Rajya Sabha has always been a House
that witnessed leaders representing states with which they have no prior link.
Manmohan Singh was India’s prime minister for a decade while representing Assam
in the Upper House. A random check of current members of Rajya Sabha reconfirms
the belief that the Upper House is used as a parking space for those who have
to be made MPs midterm or because they failed to get elected by people
directly. Andhra Pradesh, the first state on the alphabetical list of states
has Suresh Prabhu as its representative.
The next state that begins with the alphabet ‘A’, Assam has
former prince of Amethi, Sanjay Singh as its representative (besides Manmohan
Singh). Sharad Yadav, who made his political debut from Madhya Pradesh’s
Jabalpur three decades ago, represents Bihar now because he could not get
elected to Lok Sabha from any other state. Smriti Irani and Arun Jaitley are in
the list of representatives from Gujarat. Corporate honcho, Parimal Nathwani
has been elected from Jharkhand. The list is endless and cuts across party
lines.
As far as Lok Sabha is concerned, senior leaders contest
from states different from one’s original, for a variety of reasons. Firstly,
the home terrain could be slippery, either permanently or for that particular
poll. Secondly, the move may be part of a surprise strategy of the party and
thirdly, because the party may conclude that fielding the leader may enable the
party to make inroads in new territory.
Modi’s decision to contest from Varanasi in 2014 was taken
with the intention of boosting the BJP’s campaign in the state. The ploy was
greatly successful and was an important factor the party to sweep the state.
Modi was entitled to contest and did not owe explanations. His decision to reiterate
that he is a UP-wallah in the course of this campaign has been perplexing
because once a leader becomes a prime minister, he becomes a ‘national’
representative and playing to parochial sentiment is uncalled for. Moreover,
elections in Gujarat are due later this year and attempt to establish linkage
with UP might eventually turn out to be counterproductive.
Traditionally, the ‘son of the soil’ theory has been raised
by sectarian forces to harness perceived insecurity of the people.
Organisations like Shiv Sena, and its political progenies now, have owed their
growth to strategies that built on fears of people that ‘outsiders’ are
prospering at the cost of ‘original’ inhabitants. Several separatist agitations
have been rooted in the same sentiment. The Assam agitation began as an
‘anti-Bengali’ and ‘anti-Bihari’ movement because it was believed that fruits
of development eluded the local and indigenous people while ‘outsiders’
prospered.
Given this backdrop, responsible political leaders need to
steer away from attempts to establish personal belonging with a city or state.
Modi is entitled to lead the campaign of his party in UP even if he is not an
adopted son of Varanasi. And, even if the people of the city do actually begin
looking at the prime minister as one among them, the Gandhi siblings have
little right to question that. But falling back on this argument, both Modi and
his adversaries have lost an opportunity to lead people in discarding parochial
sentiments. It is time parties and leaders seek votes on the basis of their
Indianess and not by raising slogans like UP-wallah versus outsider or the
Bihari versus Bahari slogan that cast a negative shadow on elections in that
state in 2015.
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